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更新时间:2009-03-28

CONTENTS

Special Section

1 The Changing Power of Non-State Actors in Global Governance: An Analysis of the NGO in the Field of Environment and Climate

by Yu Hongyuan

With growing globalization and interdependence, non-state actors represented by NGOs are emerging as increasingly important players in global governance, especially in global environmental governance. Starting with the concept of NGOs and its development, this paper analyzes the changing power of contemporary NGOs with respect to their participation in global governance. The second part focuses on the sources of NGO legitimacy and how NGOs acquire legitimacy in participating in global governance, and assesses how effective they are in doing so based on three criteria of awareness-raising, information provision, and monitoring. The third part of the article contends that NGOs acquire power in the process of global governance by setting the agenda or setting the rules and norms. This paper argues that in the field of global governance, the power and legitimacy of NGOs are constantly on the rise. Although states are the main actors in global climate governance, it is undeniable that non-state actors such as NGOs are exerting a profound impact on this process.

8 The Political Power of Business Actors in Global Climate Governance

by Jiang Siyu and Li Junfeng

Sovereign states have always been the dominant actors in climate governance, and the intergovernmental negotiations under the UNFCCC are the main institutional avenue of climate governance. Nonetheless, this state-centric framework has met with more and more severe challenges given that there is no higher power above the sovereign state. Meanwhile, with the deepening of globalization and the diversification of climate governance issues, non-sovereign stakeholders have been emerging in the arena and exerting positive effects. Among them, business actors which are playing an ever-increasing role have been a crucial force in pushing for the conclusion of the Paris Agreement. This paper focuses on the political influence of business actors in climate governance. It will first elaborate the relationship between business actors and climate change. Then using the multidimensional power resources perspective as the basic analytical framework, it will examine empirical cases to see how business actors can participate in and influence the process of climate politics by utilizing different power resources of their own: instrumental power, structural power, and discursive power.

17 The Networking of Non-state Actors in Global Climate Governance: Models, Drivers and Impact

by Li Xinlei

Although the major institutions of global climate governance are still dominated by nation states, non-state actors have played an increasingly significant role in major climate change conferences and events. During the course their participation, they have gradually developed three networking models: the intra-organizational model, the inter-organizational model, and the trans-organizational model. Especially in the transformation from the “top-down” Kyoto approach to the “bottom-up” Paris approach, the inclusive transnational partnership networks which comprise actors from public sector, private sector and civil society have seen particularly strong growth. There are four important drivers of this trend: the shifting balance of power in the context of globalization, the increasing need for the better governance against the backdrop of “dual governance failure,” the functional strategic complementarity enabled by enhanced inter-subjective cognition, and the political opportunity structure in the Paris model. In post-Paris climate change governance, networks of non-state actors are having a profound impact on the negotiation strategies of the EU, the US and the developing countries: they become one of the indispensible players to deal with Trump’s anti-climate change policy; the EU has been enhancing its interactions with non-state actors by using a “leadiating” strategy to maintain its discursive power; and emerging powers such as China need urgently to enhance their governance capability and especially speed up the construction of their partnership networks.

55 German Public Responses to the Belt and Road Initiative as Represented by the Leading Portal WEB.DE

This article focuses on Sino-Japanese competition dynamics in Southeast Asian infrastructure investment. It aims to explore how these two countries’ competition for infrastructure contracts is carried out, what impacts it will create on the region in terms of investment models and regional financial architecture. It will also try to explore whether and how these two countries can collaborate for their infrastructure investment in the region under the circumstances that Southeast Asian countries badly need both Chinese and Japanese capital and technologies.

by Wang Qi

This article takes WEB.DE, one of the leading Internet-portals in Germany, as the research object. It aims to gauge German public responses to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) from both macro and micro perspectives. The study shows an increasing attention to the BRI and generally positive responses by Germany, despite some concerns over China’s “geopolitical intentions.” In view of this, China should be fully aware of the situation and take appropriate measures to gain more understanding and support for our efforts to advance the BRI in Germany and elsewhere in Europe.

International Politics

对这8个指标进行相关性分析,相关系数较小,用因子分析方法尝试降维,结果KMO检验值为0.041,不宜降维,说明这8个指标的设定较好。8个指标排序结果如下:

33 Brexit’s Impact on European Defense Integration

by Zhang Cheng and Liu Yuan

The integration of European defense has been the European Union’s original, long-term goal. However, neither the European Defense Community nor the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) has been able to deliver on that. And this is partly attributable to the UK. Due to special historical reasons, the UK has always had reservation about the EU and the CSDP. After the end of the Cold War, British policy on European defense integration has undergone a series of adjustments, from “double containment” to “malign neglect”, which has exerted important impact on the development of the CSDP. Now that the UK is leaving the EU, will European defense integration make a breakthrough? This article argues that since Brexit has resulted in the reduction of European Union’s external political and military influence and the weakening of internal consensus, Brexit is not good news for European defense integration; rather it is likely to make the situation even worse.

无论多宽的垄距,保苗密度为3500株/亩,每行21株;保苗密度为4000株/亩,每行24株;保苗密度为4500株/亩,每行27株;保苗密度为5000株/亩,每行30株;以此类推,每亩种植密度增加500株,小区每行增加3株。

Using an image detection technique known as Faster-RCNN, this paper explores the image semantics conveyed through diplomatic videos by identifying objects on the official videos of the United States Embassy in China. The findings show that the object “person” which has the highest frequency is the dominant visual image, and it is represented in most cases in the form of “a single person.” In addition, there is significant difference among the 20 categories of objects because of their different frequencies, indicating the uniqueness and directionality of the intentions of those who release the videos. Statistical methods that check the randomness of the “persons’” appearance frequency reveal that there is regular distribution of these “persons” who appear in the videos. What’s more, after a re-classification of the 20 categories of objects, it is found that the category of “person” correlates with categories that denote the quality of life. This paper concludes that the image semantics conveyed by U.S. diplomatic videos indicates that the videos intend to promote US hegemony through agenda setting by focusing on average Americans and highlighting their happiness.

本研究采用荣泰生(2010)建议的方法,通过潜变量平均方差萃取值(AVE)的平方根与潜变量之间相关系数比较大小来进一步检验它们之间的区别效度。如表5所示,各潜变量间的相关系数均低于0.80,可证明变量间相关水平是合适的。各潜变量之间相关系数均小于其对应的AVE平方根,由此说明模型的区别效度较好,能够避免回归分析中存在的多重共线性问题。通过表5还可看出,本研究3个维度之间存在着显著相关关系,证实它们之间存在密切联系。

39 The Competition of Chinese and Japanese Infrastructure Investment in Southeast Asia and Its Impact

by Zhao Hong

留守儿童教育也需要学校和社会的努力。许多农村学校由于资金不足等因素的制约,教育质量普遍偏低。此外,社会本身是一个熟人社会,不乏可以帮助留守儿童的机构、个人,但是社会各阶层并没有太多作为,留守儿童得不到来自社会的帮助[3]。

46 The Image Semantics of Visual Public Diplomacy: A Faster-RCNN Analysis of the Official Videos Released by the U.S. Embassy in China

by Zhao Hongyan and Zhou Fangxin

随着李克强同志“互联网+”行动计划的提出,现代信息技术已经渗透、应用到各个领域。教育行业在现代信息技术的推动下取得的巨大成绩也有目共睹。在网络学习、多媒体应用的基础上发展起来的混合式教学因结合了课堂面授与网络学习的优势而更具有实用性,对高职英语EOP教学也将起到更大的助力作用。

Relations between China and Other Countries

27 Assessing Japan’s Approach to the International Climate Change Regime: The Role of Non-State Actors

by He LanMa Xiuxiu

As an environmental international convention, the Paris Agreement has established a “bottom-up” approach to global climate governance which emphasizes the important role of non-state actors. Since joining the UFCCC, Japan has built up a set of basic ideas for international environmental cooperation by enacting the Japanese Basic Environmental Law, and has incorporated these ideas into the Japanese legal system as a way to cope with global climate change. The Japanese Central Environment Council has developed Japan’s approach to international environmental cooperation by formulating and implementing relevant policies. The Japanese approach which focuses on East Asia is a three-tier model that involves a diverse set of actors including governments, intergovernmental organizations, local public organizations, transnational corporations, NGOs, and academic research institutions. The achievements Japanese non-state actors have made in their participation in international environmental cooperation in East Asia could provide valuable insights that help to promote win-win, regional climate governance in the region.

International Relations

Countries and Regions

电气工程在建设中存在很大的风险,因此要积极预防才可以。人员在进入施工现场之前要做好自我防护工作,减少对身体造成的损害,有利于提高安全性。如果等到风险发生了再去应对,那效果不是很明显,损失并不能得到挽回。所以要做好预防工作,制定出完善的应对策略,在出现风险的时候要保持冷静,沉着去应对,才能将损失减少到最小。一旦发现异常情况要及时上报,便于有效处理,在最短时间内恢复到正常施工中去。人员要树立起风险意识,从教训中总结经验,减少问题出现,为今后工作开展提供正确指导,确保按照计划进行。

63 The Reversal of U.S. Climate Policy under President Trump: Causes and Impact

by Yang Qiang

Within half a year after its accession to power, the Trump administration rolled back one key part of the political legacy of the Obama administration — the Clean Power Plan and the Paris Agreement, which drew strong criticism and condemnations from home and abroad. On the one hand, it’s easy to find that President Trump sought only to protect the interests of American fossil fuel industry under the cover of protecting American economic interests and employment. On the other hand, however, the fact that Trump was able to quickly reverse the major climate policies which Obama painstakingly crafted in his two terms demonstrates the fragility of Obama’s climate legacy and the weaknesses of the American political system in dealing with climate change. This paper aims to explore the causes for Trump’s reversal of the climate policy and its domestic and international impact.

69 A Review of the UK Strategy in the South Pacific: a Perspective Based on Strategic Maritime Passages

by Liang Jiarui

Since the beginning of the 21st century, the strategic value of the South Pacific has gradually attracted the attention of countries outside. As a former colonial power and maritime power, the United Kingdom should try to strengthen the control of the strategic maritime passages of this region. In order to control the maritime strategic passages of the region, the UK is strengthening its interactions with countries of this region. The main strategic measures include promoting economic and trade ties, increasing development aid, enhancing cultural and educational exchanges, promoting diplomatic ties and conducting joint maritime research. As a maritime power, the UK’s involvement in the South Pacific is helpful to maintain security and stability of the maritime strategic passages in the region, and the best choice for the UK is to strengthen cooperation with countries of this region.

吸收塔塔顶标高60m,塔体直径为6.3m,塔壁厚度沿高度分段变化,从下到上依次为18、14、12、8mm。塔内件主要有2层整流层、3层喷淋装置、3层除雾器。单层整流层重量为3t;单层喷淋层本体重量为4.2t,浆液重量为4.2t;单层除雾器重量12t。烟气入口尺寸为:宽4.6m,高2.56m,顶部烟囱直径为3m,吸收塔内部正压为5000Pa。吸收塔具体结构布置如图1所示。

 
《国际论坛》 2018年第02期
《国际论坛》2018年第02期文献

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