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Comparison of Past and Present Educational Trends in Asia:India, South-East Asia, China①

更新时间:2009-03-28

The heart of the approach is the distinction between two trends: so-called “formal education”, that aims principally to achieve a specific result, and which takes place in “decontextualized” modes of transmission, and so-called “non-formal or informal education”, which values contextualized and relational modes of transmission. All the articles mention these two dimensions, including those which do not aim to compare past and present modes of education; the first trend is related to Westernized forms of education, while the second is more traditional. This led me to question whether one can identify any coherences or shared values among the societies studied in the book. As a matter of fact, traditional ways of education all use the relational context, the vision of unity between body and spirit, and respect for masters as their principal means of transmission, while modern educational methods that have been put into practice throughout Asia place more value on autonomy and competition. The modernized forms of education have led to the use and generalization of English in India, to the creation of modern schools in India and Indonesia, to the introduction of new fishing techniques in Indonesia, to the creation of an “eco-tradition” among the Karen of Thailand, of a “house of stories” in a Chinese village, or the interdiction of dancing courtesans in India, etc. So, in discussing education’s development in these societies, I have taken three cultural areas into consideration, which lead broadly to three distinctive developmental paths: India and English-speaking education; South-East Asia where the accent on traditional learning is still very present; and China, where the modern way of education seems to limit the traditional.

The two chapters on India both underline the losses brought about by modernization in the field of education. Samuel Berthet in Learning stakes in the context of nationalist renewal in India gives an abstract of the historical transformations that have occurred since the arrival of the British up to the present. The Indians adopted European methods of education as a means of liberating themselves from colonization and to create a modern autonomous nation. The new Indian elite was therefore taught in new public schools using written English in a total departure from traditional Indian learning methods based mostly on orality. It led to the creation of a society with a clear-cut differentiation between an educated elite and non-educated people. It also led to the degradation of the image of the body, because “Indian sensual weakness” was taken to be responsible for defeat at the hands of the colonizer. That’s how India opted for elitist and competitive practices in sports, such as polo, cricket and hockey. The second article from Tiziana Leucci the apprenticeship of dance in South India and its transformations in the XXth century: the case of the devadasi, rajadasi and nattuvanar depicts the disappearance of these female dancers, and with them their immense knowledge of ritual, music, dance, poetry and epics. After independence, this kind of dancing related to temples was widely considered “primitive and indecent”. At the same time, nationalist intellectuals began to consider Indian dance as a symbol of Indian cultural identity and started to promote new schools of dance unrelated to the temples. So now, Indian dance is no longer considered sacred and has become a modern object that India can present to the world. It has also become a leisure-time activity for young girls of good family rich enough to pay for lessons.

In contrast to India the societies of South-East Asia presented in the book all chose to retain traditional learning within their modernized educational system. In Learning to Fish or Fishing to LearnDynamics of practices on East Indonesian seashores, Daniel Vermonden describes a form of learning that may appear very strange because it isn’t considered a form of learning at all. The children grow up and fish with their parents, learning by symbiosis. Then, accompanied by a teacher of fishing, the novices learn by observation, slowly interiorizing the techniques. The fishing teacher never openly transmits his knowledge, but the fishermen not only learn fishing with him step by step but also all the ritual knowledge and the way of relating to nature. Everybody’s expertise becomes common to the community of fishermen, but new fishing techniques appear to endanger this traditional mode of learning. The method is similar in Thailand where Stephane Rennesson studies boxing (From the trained body to the trained boxersthe question of transmission in Thai boxing). By boxing one becomes a boxer, and not by following any special external training. By boxing, young boys learn a way of life, that is how to behave and know their place in a very hierarchical society. In Indonesia’s Java, Jean-Marc de Grave pays special attention to high schools (Formative types of education in Indonesia: relational quality and formalization). As in India, new modern schools were created, but not without integrating certain “traditional Javanese pedagogic forms”. For instance, the tutorship by teachers and older pupils is well developed and a deep relationship is organized around pupils and teachers. Moreover, traditional activities such as Javanese martial arts, rituals, music, etc. are still considered an essential part of social life by the Javanese people and help to organize and give coherence to society. The last chapter by Abiga⊇l Pesses about the Karen of Thailand (Integration of local knowledge in Thailand: Karen know-how at school and eco-tradition) describes how local traditions have been integrated into primary schooling. Thailand’s 1999 educational reform stipulated that traditional know-how must account for 30% of total schooling time. So, ordinary villagers come to teach children, and sometime take them to the forest to perform ancestral rituals. In this way traditional know-how has been rehabilitated, bringing a new cultural identity to the Karen organized around an “eco-tradition”—the traditional knowledge of the mountain environment.

陈少平:质量是企业和产业核心竞争力的体现。农垦是国有农业经济的骨干和代表,理所当然要在质量兴农、绿色兴农和品牌强农上走在全国农业农村系统的前列。为此,必须立足转变农业发展方式,推进农业供给侧结构性改革,全面提升农业优质化、绿色化、品牌化水平。

数学教学过程中要全面地理解新课程标准对高数学学习的要求,在数学教学过程中自觉地渗透数学思想和数学文化.把培养学生的数学思想,提高学生的数学思维作为数学教学的重要目标,培养学生的数学思维和解题能力.

Comparing all these ways of adapting to modernity shows that people everywhere are confronted with the same kinds of problem, but offer different answers. All societies have to face modernization now. India and China have both gone through a process of rejecting their own traditions and adopting western forms of education, while South-East Asia has been less radical. India and China now promote their traditions again, but with the aim of modifying them in depth(by keeping dance separate from religion in India for instance, or by producing songs and stories for tourists only in China), so as to make them presentable to the modern world’s spectators, not purely for their own worth or for what they mean to the people who create them.

In China too, education is deeply related to the ability to “coexist with others”. Gladys Chicharro studies primary schooling (From gym to graphic art-apprenticeship and learning in Chinese elementary schools). The uniformness of children by schooling is very developed in China, notably through corporal movements and body memory, for instance, needed to memorize Chinese characters. However, the children do not need to mobilize their thinking abilities very much. David Gibeault in Reception for a corpsetransmission and exteriority in China explores the transmission of songs and stories in a Chinese village. Children learn them through family transmission, both paternal and maternal, and through a master of songs who mostly sing during funerals. Since the reforms, the local government sponsored a house of stories that should have hosted singers and storytellers, but it soon closed as stories are not told anymore. This has happened because once removed from their original social context, songs and stories become folkloric objects denuded of all social meaning and lose sense for the villagers. China has beautiful traditional forms of transmission, but like India these have been thoroughly changed, either disappearing under modernization or becoming a tool for social uniformity.

Key Words:educational pattern; formal education; informal education; transmission; India; Southeast Asia; China

在现阶段的初中音乐教学过程中,教师应学会与时俱进,在不断发展的网络信息环境下,从多方面及多角度了解及认识音乐,结合现阶段初中生对于新鲜事物的认知理解能力较差等现状,通过适当引导纠正学生片面追求流行的音乐观。教师在音乐教学过程中应转变传统教学理念,将中国传统音乐、古典音乐与现阶段流行音乐及大众音乐相互融合展开教学,提高学生的学习兴趣,引导学生在深入学习音乐的过程中客观的了解及认识传统音乐的魅力。此外,教师还应结合学生的学习需求及年龄增长,引导学生对大众音乐资源中的各项技巧进行教学,引导学生准确认识传统与现代流行之间的关系,帮助学生更快地掌握音乐技巧及知识,提高学生的学习效率。

Note:

①This article first appeared in LHomme(Man), the leading French anthropological review, in 2014(vol. 210, pp. 91-110).

References:

Capdeville-Zeng, Catherine. Le thétre dans lespace du peuple. Une enquête de terrain en Chine. Paris : Les Indes savantes, 2012.

De Grave, Jean-Marc. Dimensions formelle et non formelle de l’éducation en Asie orientale. Socialisation et rapport au contenu dapprentissage. Aix-en-Provence : Presses universitaires de Provence, 2012(sociétés contemporaines).

Henry, Clémence. L’application d’un modèle chinois : le(s) système(s) éducatif(s) en zone tibétaine. Une étude de cas comparée dans les Préfectures autonomes tibétaines de mTsho lho et de Yul shul, Paris : Inalco, mémoire de Master 2,2013.

Ji, Zhe. Introduction : lejiao recomposé. L’éducation entre religion et politique dans la modernité chinoise. Extrême-Orient, Extrême-Occident, 2011, 33 : 9.

Le Goff, Jean-Pierre. La fin du village. Une histoire française. Paris : Gallimard, 2012.

 
CatherineCapdeville-Zeng,(Author),HouRenyou,(Translator)
《民族学刊》 2018年第02期
《民族学刊》2018年第02期文献

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