又如吾人所知，经济力量是极大的，今世为然，古时亦然。然试问其是否在此呢？无疑地中国过去之制胜于邻邦外族，正有其经济因素在内。然说到经济，首在工商业，中国始终墨守其古朴的农业社会不变，素不擅发财。如何能归之于经济力量？然则是否在军事和政治呢？当然，没有军事和政治的力量，中国是不会存在并且发展的。不过任人皆知，中国文化最富于和平精神；中国人且失之文弱。中国政治向主于消极无为；中国人且亦缺乏组织力。若竟说中国文化之力量，在于其军事及政治方面，似亦未的当。恰相反地，若就知识、经济、军事、政治，一一数来，不独非其所长，且勿宁都是他的短处。必须在这以外去想。但除此四者以外，还有什么称得起是强大力量呢？实又寻想不出。一面明明白白有无比之伟大力量，一面又的的确确指不出其力量竟在哪里，岂非怪事！一面的的确确指不出其力量来，一面又明明白白见其力量伟大无比，真是怪哉！怪哉！即此便当是中国文化一大特征———第四特征。几时我们解答了这个问题，大约于中国文化要义亦自洞达而无所疑。如我们所习闻，世界上人看中国为一不可解之谜，这是自昔已然，而因此次抗战更又引起来的。特别在好学深思的学者间，一直没有改变。惜中国人身处局中，自然不易感觉到此，而浅薄的年轻人则更抹杀中国文化的特殊。著者往年(1930)曾为文指出两大古怪点，指引不肯用心的人去用心。两大古怪点是：一、历久不变的社会，停滞不进的文化；二、几乎没有宗教的人生。现在即以此为第五及第六特征，稍说明于次。 Also，asfarasweknow，fromancienttimestilltoday，economicpowerhasplayedadecisiveroleintheformationofanation’sculture．Isitjustthehugee⁃conomicpowerthathassomuchconsolidatedChineseculture？Undoubtedly，Chi⁃na’spastvictoriesoveritsalienneighborscanbeattributedtoeconomicfactors．Asregardseconomy，priorityshouldbegiventoindustrialandcommercialindus⁃tries．TheChinesepeople，however，clingtotheirprimitiveagrariansocietythroughouthistoryandsimplyarenotgoodatmakingfortunes．So，howcanweat⁃tributeChineseculturetoChina’seconomicpower？Then，canweattributeittoChina’smilitaryandpolitics？Ofcourse，with⁃outmilitaryandpoliticalpower，Chinawouldnotbeabletoexistanddevelop．Ashasbeenwell⁃known，however，asChinesecultureaboundsinthespiritofpeace，theChinesepeopletendtoberathervulnerableand，asChinesepoliticsadvocatespassivityandinaction，theChinesepeoplelackorganizationalpower．Conse⁃quenth，itseemsimpropertosaythatthepowerofChinesecultureliesinbothitsmilitaryandpolitics．Quiteonthecontrary，ifknowledge，economy，military，andpoliticsareplacedtogether，theyconstituteChina’sweaknessinsteadofitsstrength．Effortsmustbemadetofigureoutthestrengthbeyondthesefouraspects．Butapartfromthem，whatelsecanbecalled“greatpower”？Itisindeeddifficulttoworkitout．Isn’titqueerthatontheonehand，Chinesecultureobviouslyhasincrediblygreatpower，butontheotherhand，noonecanreallyfigureoutwhereonearththegreatpowerlies？Howodditisthatontheonehand，noonecanreallyfigureoutwherethegreatpowerlies，butontheotherhand，oneobviouslyfeelsthatitspowerisincrediblygreat！Howodditisindeed！SuchcanbeconsideredasoneofthefeaturesofChineseculture，i．e．，thefourthfeature．Whenwehaveansweredthisquestion，wewouldhavealmostun⁃derstoodthefundamentalsofChineseculturewithoutanydoubt．Asweoftenhear，Chinaisamysterytothewholeworld．ThishasbeentheconceptofthepeopleintheworldsinceancienttimesandonceagaintheWarofResistanceagainstJapaneseAggressionthistimerevivedtheconcept．Especiallyamongthosewhoarelearned，thisconceptremainedetchedintheirmind．Regret⁃tably，thisnaturallycannotbeeasilyperceivedbyChinesepeopleastheyareplacedinsidetheincident．Someshallowyoungpeople，however，justcloudedthispeculiarityofChineseculture．Inapaperin1930，theauthorpointedouttwoodditiesofChineseculture：First，aconstantsocietywithastagnantculture；Second，alifewithalmostnoreligion．Respectively，thesetwoaretakenasthefifthandthesixthfeaturesofChi⁃neseculturewhichwillbebrieflystatedinthefollowing．

先说关于宗教一点。中国文化内宗教之缺乏，中国人之远于宗教，自来为许多学者所同看到的。从十七八世纪，中国思想和其社会情状渐传到西洋时起，一般印象就是如此。直至最近，英国罗素论中国传统文化有三特点(1)，还是说中国“以孔子伦理为准则而无宗教”，为其中之一。固然亦有人说中国是多宗教的(2)；这看似相反，其实正好相发明。因为中国文化是统一的，今既说其宗教多而不一，不是证明它并不统一于一宗教了吗？不是证明宗教在那里面恰不居重要了吗？且宗教信仰贵乎专一，同一社会而不是同一宗教，最易引起冲突；但像欧洲以及世界各处历史上为宗教争端而演之无数惨剧与长期战祸，在中国独极少见。这里宗教虽多而能相安，甚至相安于一家之中，于一人之身。那末，其宗教意味不是亦就太稀薄了吗？(1)罗素在其所著《中国之问题》一书中，论中国传统文化特点有三：(一)文字以符号构成，不用字母拼音；(二)以孔子伦理为准则而无宗教；(三)治国者为由考试而起之士人，非世袭之贵族。(2)参看王治心编《中国宗教思想史大纲》，中华书局出版。自西洋文化之东来，国人欲以西洋军备代替过中国军备，欲以西洋政治代替过中国政治，欲以西洋经济代替过中国经济，欲以西洋教育代替过中国教育……种种运动曾盛起而未有已；独少欲以西洋宗教代替中国宗教的盛大运动。此正为中国人缺乏宗教兴味，且以宗教在西洋亦已过时之故。然由此不发生比较讨论，而中国无宗教之可异，乃不为人所腾说，则是一件可惜的事。关于此问题，第六章将予讨论，这里更不多及。次言中国文化停滞不进，社会历久鲜变一点。这涵括两问题在内：一是后两千年的中国，竟然不见进步之可怪；再一是从社会史上讲，竟难判断它是什么社会之可怪。因为讲社会史者都看人类社会自古讫今一步进一步，大致可分为几阶段；独中国那两千多年，却难于判它为某阶段。两问题自有分别，事情却是一件事情，兹分别举例以明之。 Letmesaysomethingaboutreligionfirst．IthasbeenobservedbymanyscholarsthatinChineseculture，thereislackofreligionandthatpeopleinChinaarealienatedfromreligion．ThisisthegeneralimpressioneversinceChinesethoughtanditssocialstateofaffairsweremadeknowntotheWesternsocietyinthe17thandthe18thcenturies．Untilrecently，theBritishphilosopherBertrandRussell(1872⁃1970)generalizedthreefeaturesofChinesecivilization[1]andconsidered“thesubstitutionoftheConfucianethnicforreligion”asoneofthefeaturesofChineseculture．Ofcourse，somescholar[2]alsosaidthatChinaisacountrywithmultiplereligions．Thesetwoviewsseemtocontradicteachother．Butactually，theymutuallyenhanceeachother．AsChineseculturefeaturesunity，whenwesaythatithasmultiplereligionsinsteadofaunitaryone，isn’titaproofthatChinesecultureisnotunifiedunderonereligionandthatreligionitselfdoesnotoccupyanimportantplaceinChineseculture？What’smore，thevalueofre⁃ligiousbeliefliesinpeople’sdevotionandloyalty．Inonesocietywithdifferentreligions，conflictseasilyarise．Buthistorically，countlessnumbersoftragediesandlong⁃timewarsasaresultofreligiouscontroversiesinEuropeandallovertheworldareextremelyrarelyseenonlyinChina．HereinChina，thoughreligionsarevaried，theyareongoodtermswitheachother．Ortheycanevencoexistpeaceful⁃lyunderthesamerooforbeintegratedintoone．Inthatcase，isn’tthereligiousflavorgreatlyrarefied？[1]BertrandRussell，inhisbookTheProblemofChina(1992：34)，gener⁃alizedthreefeaturesofChinesecivilization：(1)Theuseofideogramsinsteadofanalphabetinwriting；(2)ThesubstitutionoftheConfucianethicforreligiona⁃mongtheeducatedclasses；(3)Governmentbyliteratichosenbyexaminationin⁃steadofbyahereditaryaristocracy．[2]SeeWANG，Zhixin(ed．)．1977．AnOutlineHistoryofChineseReligiousThought．Beijing：ZhonghuaPublishingHouse．WiththeintroductionofWesternculturetotheEast，someChinesepeopleintendedtoreplaceChina’sarmamentsbyWesternarmaments，toreplaceChi⁃na’spoliticsbyWesternpolitics，toreplaceChina’seconomybyWesternecono⁃myandtoreplaceChina’seducationbyWesterneducation．Suchcampaignsoncegreatlyflourishedandnevercametoastop．Therehaveneverbeenanycam⁃paigns，however，whichaimtoreplaceChinesereligionsbyWesternreligions．ThissuggeststhatChinesepeoplelackinterestinreligionsandthinkthatreligionsarenolongerinfashionintheWest．If，however，nocomparisonismadeornodiscussionisheldhere，itisregrettablethatthesurprisingfactthattherearenoreligionsinChinaisnotmadeknowntotheworld．ThiswillbefurtherdiscussedinChapterSix．Next，letstalkaboutthestagnationofChinesecultureandtheconstancyofChinesesociety．Thisconcernstwoproblems．First，itisstrangethatChinashouldwitnessnoprogressinthepasttwothousandyears．Second，itisstrangethatfromtheperspectiveofsocialhistory，difficultiesariseifpeoplewanttojudgewhatkindofsocietyChinabelongsto．Thisisbecause，tosocialhistorians，fromancienttimestillnow，humansocietyhasgenerallybeenprogressingindifferentstages．China，acountrywithahistoryofovertwothousandyears，istheonlyex⁃ception，however，foritishardlypossibletodividethemintodifferentstages．Thesetwoproblemsareclearlydifferentiated，butactuallytheyareofthesamething．Inthefollowing，theywillberespectivelyillustratedwithexamples．

例如冯友兰氏述《中国哲学史》，上起周秦下至清末，只划分为两大阶段。自孔子到淮南王为“子学时代”，历史时间不过四百余年，自董仲舒到康有为为“经学时代”，历史时间长及二千余年。即中国只有上古哲学及中古哲学，而没有近古哲学。因为近古时期所产生的哲学，和中古的还是没大分别；尽管二千多年之长，亦只可作一段算。西洋便不然。近古哲学中古哲学不唯产生时代不同，精神面目亦异。这是中国没有的。冯氏并申论：中国直至最近，无论任何方面皆尚在中古时代。中国在许多方面不及西洋，盖中国历史缺一近古时代，哲学方面特其一端而已。(1)此即前一问题之提出。所谓中国历史缺一近古时代，是说历史时间入了近古，而中国文化各方面却还是中古那样子，没有走得出来，进一新阶段。这种停滞不进，远从西汉直至清末，首尾有两千年以上。(1)(见冯友兰著《中国哲学史》第495页，商务印书馆出版。)往时严几道先生所译西洋名著中，有英人甄克斯《社会通诠》一书，算是讲社会发展史的。大致说人类是由图腾社会而宗法社会，由宗法社会而军国社会；至于拂持(封建)则为宗法与军国间之闰位。严先生根据其说来看中国，第一便感觉到长期停滞之可怪。他在译序中说：由唐虞以讫于周，中间二千余年，皆封建之时代；而所谓宗法亦于此时最备。其圣人宗法社会之圣人也；其制度典籍宗法社会之制度典籍也。物穷则必变，商君始皇帝李斯起，而郡县封域，阡陌土田，燔诗书，坑儒士，其法欲国主而外无咫尺之势。此迹其所为，非将转宗法之故，以为军国社会者欤。乃由秦以至于今，又二千余岁矣。君此土者不一家，其中之一治一乱常自若。独自今籀其政法，审其风俗，与其秀桀之民所言议思惟者，则犹然一宗法之民而已矣。然则此一期之天演，其延缘不去，存在此土者，盖四千数百载而有余也。其次，他便感觉到难于判断中国究在社会中上哪一阶段。他只能说： InhisworkAHistoryofChinesePhilosophy，forexample，FengYoulandi⁃videdChinafromtheZhouandtheQinDynastiestotheendoftheQingDynastyonlyintotwoperiods．Thefirstperiod，calledtheVarious⁃Schools⁃of⁃ThoughtErawhichlastedfromConfuciustimetothetimeofLiuAn，KingofHuainan，hasahistoryoflessthanfourhundredyears．Thesecondperiod，calledtheConfucianClassicsErawhichlastedfromDongZhongshustimetoKangYouweistime，hasahistoryofovertwothousandyears．Basedonthisfact，ChinaonlyhasAncientPhilosophyandMedievalPhilosophybutnoModernAncientPhilosophy，becausethereisnotmuchdifferencebetweenitsModernAncientPhilosophyanditsMedi⁃evalPhilosophy．Overtwothousandyearsthoughitlasts，itiscountedonlyasonesingleperiod．IntheWest，however，itisnotthecase：notonlyareMedievalPhilosophyandModernAncientPhilosophydifferentintheirtimefordevelop⁃ment，buttheyarealsodifferentintheirspiritualoutlook．ThisissomethingthatChinalacks．Mr．Fengfurtherstated：Evenuptonow，everythinginChinaisstillatitsMedievalAge．Inmanyaspects，ChinalagsfarbehindtheWestanditshis⁃torylacksamodernancientage．Intermsofitsphilosophy，Chinaonlypaysspe⁃cialattentiontooneend[1]．Thatiswhytheabovequestionhasbeenraised．WhenwesaythatChinashistorylacksamodernancientage，wemeanthathis⁃toricallyspeaking，thoughChinahasentereditsmodernancientage，everyaspectofChinesecultureremainsatthesamelevelasitwasattheMedievalAge．Inoth⁃erwords，ChineseculturehassofarneithersteppedoutoftheMedievalAgenorreachedanewstage．FarfromtheWesternHanDynastytotheendoftheQingDynasty，thisstagnationlastsforovertwothousandyears．[1]SeeFengYoulansAHistoryofChinesePhilosophy．1947．Beijing：TheCommercialPress：495．AmongYanFustranslationsofthemasterpiecesbynotedscholarsfromtheWest，AHistoryofPolitics(1910)bytheBritishwriterEdwardJenks(1861⁃1939)canbeconsideredasabookonthehistoryofsocialdevelopment．General⁃lyspeaking，humansocietydevelopsfirstfromthetotemsocietytothepatriarchalsociety，andthenfromthepatriarchalsocietytothemilitarysociety．Thefeudalsocietycanbeconsideredas“animperialreignnotintheconventionallineofsuccession”betweenthepatriarchalsocietyandthemilitarysociety．ObservingChinafromJenkspointofview，YanFufeltthatitwassooddforChinatobesosecularlystagnant．Intheprefacetohistranslation，hesaid：Forovertwothousandyearsfromthereignof(legendary)Chi⁃neseEmperorsYaoandShunuptotheZhouDynasty，Chinahadbeenafeudalsocietywhere“thepatriarchalsystem”prevailed．Itssaintsanditssystemsandclassicswereboththeendproductsofapatriarchalsociety．Wherethereispoverty，therearesurelychanges．EversinceShangYang(about390to338B．C．)，QinShiHuang(259⁃210B．C．)，founderofimperialChina，andLiSi(about284⁃208B．C．)，acampaignwasmountedallacrossthecountrytoburnbooksandtohavescholarsburiedalive．Itwasdonesolelyforthelordofthekingdomwithalmostnoconsiderationatallofthecommonpeople．Thispracticewasnotanattempttotransformthepatriarchalsystembuttodowhatamilitarysocietyusuallydoes．FromtheQinDynastytilltoday，again，overtwothousandyearshavepassed．Astherulerswhogovernthisterritoryarenotofthesamedescent，Chinastillgoesbetweenstabilityanddisorder．Alone，Ireaditspoliticsandlawandexamineditscustoms，andwhenIconversedwithitsoutstandingpeo⁃pleaboutwhattheythink，Ifoundthatideologically，theywerecitizensofapatriarchalsociety．Itissurprisingthatsuchaperiodshouldun⁃dergosuchalongprocess．Andthisprocesslastsfourthousandandseveralhundredyearsonthisterritory．Next，YanFufeltthatitwasdifficulttojudgeatwhatstageonearthChinawasinsocialhistory．

夫支那固宗法之社会，而渐入于军国者；综而核之，宗法居其七，而军国居其三。此即后一问题之提出了。后一问题之提出，实以民十七至二十二年之一期间最为热闹。有名之《中国社会史论战》即在此时，论战文章辑印至四巨册，而其余专著及散见者尚多。这是出于讲社会史的更有力的一派———马克思派之所为。盖当国民常军北伐之后，革命理论发生争执，要追问中国社会是什么社会，方可论定中国革命应该是什么革命。因为照马克思派的讲法，若是封建社会便当行资产阶级革命；若是资本社会便当行无产阶级革命。从乎前者，则资产阶级为革命主力；从乎后者，则资产阶级为革命对象。一出一入之间，可以变成相反的主张。又非徒作历史学问研究，而是要应用于现前实现，关系真是太大。但中国究竟是什么社会呢？却议论不一，谁都认不清。从遥远在莫斯科指挥中国革命的第三国际，直到国内的共产党国民党一切革命家，聚讼不休，以此分成壁垒，演为派别。于是《中国社会史论战》编辑者王礼锡氏，就有这样说话：自秦代至鸦片战争以前这一段历史，是中国社会形态发展史中之一段谜的时代。这谜的一段，亦是最重要的一段。其所以重要者，是因为这一个时代有比较可征信的史料，可凭借来解答秦以前的历史；并且这是较接近现代的一段；不明了这一段，便无以凭借去解释现代社会的来踪。这一段历史既是把握中国历史的枢纽，却是这个时代延长到二千多年，为什么会有二三千年不变的社会？这是一个迷惑人的问题。多少中外研究历史的学者，迷惘在这历史的泥坑！(1)(1)(见王礼锡作《中国社会形态发展史之谜的时代》一文，《中国社会史论战》第三辑，上海神州国光社出版。)论者既不易判定其为什么社会，则谲诡其词，强为生解，如云“变质的封建社会”，“半封建”，“前资本主义时代”，“封建制度不存在而封建势力犹存”……种种不一而足。更有些学者(苏联的及中国的)如马扎尔(Madjer)柯金(Kokin)等，则引据马克思曾有“亚细一亚生产方法”一说，以东方社会(印度、中国等)为特殊之例。中国在近百年前，没有受西洋资本主义影响之整个时期皆属于此。(1)而所谓东方社会，则长期停滞不前，固为其特色之一。(1)参看岑纪译柯金者《中国古代社会》，黎明书局出版。 IfwesaythatChinaspatriarchalsocietyisdevelopingintoamili⁃taryone，acomprehensiveviewofitrevealsthatthepatriarchalfeaturestakeupseventypercentandthemilitaryonestakeuponlythirtypercent．Thisleadstothediscussionofthefollowingissue．Thisissuewasmostheatedlydiscussedduringtheperiodfromthe17thyear(i．e．，1928)tothe22ndyear(i．e．，1933)oftheRepublicofChina(1912⁃1949)．Thewell⁃knowndebateonChinassocialhistorytookplaceduringthisveryperiodwhenarticlesrelatedtothedebatewerecompiledandprintedinfourhugebooks，andothermonographsandpaperswerealsopub⁃lishedextensively．Thisderivesfromthefactthatamorepowerfulschool⁃Marxism⁃isconcernedwithsocialhistory．AftertheNorthernExpeditionoftheKuomintangArmy，controversiesaroseamongrevolutionarytheorists．TheytriedtoworkoutthenatureoftheChinesesocietybeforetheycouldde⁃cidethenatureoftheChineserevolution．Thisisbecause，accordingtoMarxism，ifitwasafeudalistsociety，theChineserevolutionwouldbeabourgeoisrevolutionandifitwasabourgeoissociety，itwouldbeaproletari⁃atrevolution．Ifitwasregardedasabourgeoisrevolution，thebourgeoisiewouldbethemainrevolutionaryforce．Andifitwasregardedasaproletariatrevolution，thebourgeoisiewouldbethetargetofrevolution．Danglingbe⁃tweenthesetwoarisetwoopposingviews．Itmatterstotoogreatanextentasthisisnotmerelyaquestionofhistoricalstudy，but，moreimlyortant，aquestionofitsapplicationtothecurrentreality．ButwhatonearthdoestheChinesesocietybelongto？Astothisquestion，opinionsdifferandnooneisreallyclearaboutit．FromthemembersoftheThirdInternationalwhowerecommandingtheChineserevolutionfarawayinMoscowtoallrevolutionistsathomefromeithertheCommunistPartyorKuomintang，therewereincessantdebatesoverit．Theirdivisionsresultedindifferentcamps．ThusWangLixi，editorofDebatesonChineseSocialHistory，madethefollowingstatement：TheperiodfromtheQinDynastytothebeginningoftheOpi⁃umWarwasalostperiodinthehistoryofChinassocialdevelop⁃ment．ThislostperiodwasalsothemostimportantperiodinChinaasitwitnessedcomparativelymoreauthenticatedhistoricalrecordsfromwhichanswerstopost⁃Qinhistorycouldbefound．Ontheotherhand，asitwasclosesttoChinasmodernhistory，noac⁃countoftheancestryofmodernChinesesocietycoulddowithoutanadequateunderstandingofthisperiod．Itcouldbesaidthathis⁃torically，thisperiodservedasahubforChinesehistory，butasthisperiodlastedforovertwothousandyears，onemaywonderhowitenabledtheChinesesocietytoremainconstantforsuchalongtime？Thisisindeedanillusiveissue．Manyhistoryscholarsfrombothhomeandabroadsimplygetlostinthemireofhisto⁃ry．[1][1]SeeWangLixis“TheLostPeriodoftheHistoryofChinasSocialDevelopment”inVol．IofDebateonChinasSocialHistorypublishedbyShanghaiShenzhouGuoguangPressinChina．AsitwasnoteasyfordebaterstodeterminethenatureoftheChinesesociety，theyconstantlyrewordedthemselvesbyreferringtotheChinesesoci⁃etyas“eitheradegeneratedfeudalsociety”，or“asemi⁃feudalsociety”，or“asocietyatapre⁃bourgeoisepoch”，or“asocietywithnofeudalsystemsbutstillwithfeudalforces”．Somescholars(fromRussiaandChina)suchasMadjerandKokinevenquotedMaxists“Asiasproductionmethod”byex⁃emplifyingorientalsocietieslikeIndiaandChinaastypicalcases．ThewholeperiodinthepastonehundredyearsduringwhichChinawasunaffectedbythebourgeoisieoftheWestremainedinthesamestate[1]．Andtheso⁃calledorientalsocietywitnessedalong⁃termstagnation，whichconstitutedoneofitscharacteristics．[1]SeeCengJi(trans．)，Kokin(auth．)AncientSocietyofChina，publishedbyLimingPress．

再则，中国的家族制度在其全部文化中所处地位之重要，及其根深柢固，亦是世界闻名的。中国老话有“国之本在家”及“积家而成国”之说；在法制上，明认家为组织单位。(2)中国所以至今被人目之为宗法社会者，亦即在此。研究中国法制史者说：(2)见陈顾远著《中国法制史》第74页，商务印书馆出版。从来中国社会组织，轻个人而重家族，先家族而后国家。轻个人，故欧西之自由主义遂莫能彰；后国家，故近代之国家主义遂非所夙习。……是以家族本位为中国社会特色之一。(陈顾远著《中国法制史》第63页)研究中国民族性者说：中国与西方有一根本不同点：西方认个人与社会为两对立之本体，而在中国则以家族为社会生活的重心，消纳了这两方对立的形势。(庄译宣著《民族性与教育》第560页)凡此所说，大致都是很对的。而言之深切善巧者，又莫如卢作孚先生：家庭生活是中国人第一重的社会生活；亲威邻里朋友等关系是中国人第二重的社会生活。这两重社会生活，集中了中国人的要求，范围了中国人的活动，规定了其社会的道德条件和政治上的法律制度。(中略)人每责备中国人只知有家庭，不知有社会；实则中国人除了家庭，没有社会。就农业言，一个农业经营是一个家庭。就商业言，外面是商店，里面就是家庭。就工业言，一个家庭里安了几部织机，便是工厂。就教育言，旧时教散馆是在自己家庭里，教专馆是在人家家庭里。就政治言，一个衙门往往就是一个家庭；一个官吏来了，就是一个家长来了。(中略)人从降生到老死的时候，脱离不了家庭生活，尤其脱离不了家庭的相互依赖。你可以没有职业，然而不可以没有家庭，你的衣食住都供给于家庭当中。你病了，家庭便是医院，家人便是看护。你是家庭培育大的，你老了，只有家庭养你，你死了，只有家庭替你办丧事。家庭亦许依赖你成功，家庭亦欲帮助你成功。你须用尽力量去维持经营你的家庭。你须为它增加财富，你须为它提高地位。不但你的家庭这样仰望于你，社会众人亦是以你的家庭兴败为奖惩。最好是你能兴家；其次是你能管家；最叹息的是不幸而败家。家庭是这样整个包围了你，你万万不能摆脱。(中略)家庭生活的依赖关系这样强有力，有了它常常可以破坏其他社会关系，至少是中间一层障壁。(卢作孚著《中国的建设问题与人的训练》，生活书店出版) Ontheotherhand，thatChinasfamilysystemplaysanimportantroleandisdeeplyrootedinthetotalityoftheChineseculturehasalsobeenknownallovertheworld．InChina，therearesucholdsayingsas“thewholenationliesinthefamily”and“manyfamiliesmakeanation”．Chinaslegalsystemstipulatesclearlythatfamiliesbeorganizationunits．[2]ThatiswhyChinahasbeenconsideredapatriarchalsocietytilleventoday．ResearchersofthehistoryofChinaslegalsystemsstatethat：[2]SeeChenGuyuan(auth．)AHistoryofLegalSystemsinChina，Beijing：TheCommercialPress．IthasalwaysbeenthecasethatinChinassocialorganiza⁃tions，thefirstpriorityisgiventothefamilyinsteadofeachindivid⁃ualoreveninsteadofthenation．Asthefirstpriorityisnotgiventoindividuals，theliberalismfromtheWestcannotprevailinChi⁃na．Andasonlythelastpriorityisgiventothenation，nationalisminmodernhistoryisnotsomethingthatispracticedhere．Asare⁃sult，thefamily⁃centerednessisoneofthecharacteristicsofChi⁃na．(ChenGuyuan(auth．)AHistoryofLegalSystemsinChina，p．63)ResearchersofthenationaltraitsofChinastatethat：ThereisafundamentaldifferencebetweenChinaandtheWest：Westernersconsidertheindividualandthesocietyastwoopposingentities．TheChinesepeople，however，placetheirfamiliesinthecenteroftheirsociallife，thushavingeliminatedtheopposingnessofthesetwoentities．(ZhuangYixuan(auth．)NationalTraitsandEducation，p．560)Whathasbeenstatedaboveare，onthewhole，correct．Noone，howev⁃er，hasexpressedmoreprofoundandingeniousviewsthanMr．LuZuofu：FamilylifeisthesociallifetowhichtheChinesepeopleplacetheirfirstpriorityandtherelationshipbetweenrelatives，neighborsandfriendsisthesociallifetowhichtheyplacetheirsecondpriority．ThesetwolayersofsociallifehavesatisfiedtheneedsandwantsoftheChinesepeople，havedelimitedtheiractivities，andhaveregu⁃latedtheirsocialmoralityandpoliticallegalsystem．．．．Veryoften，theChinesepeopleareblamedfortheironlycareforthefamilyin⁃steadofforthesociety．Actually，totheChinesepeople，thereisnosocietyexceptforthefamily．Intermsofagriculture，itisthefamilythatmanagesthefarmwork．Intermsofbusiness，behindeverystoreisafamily．Intermsofindustry，afactoryappearswhenseveralloomsareinstalledinafamily．Intermsofeducation，inold⁃dayChina，teacherstaughttheirstudentsintheirownfamiliesandtutoredtheirstudentsinotherpeoplesfamilies．Intermsofpolitics，ayamenwasgenerallyconsideredasafamilyandthecomingofagovernmentofficialmeantthecomingofapatriarch．．．．Fromcradletograve，apersonisinseparablefromfamilylife，especiallyfromtheinterdependenceoffamilymembers．Youmayhavenooccupa⁃tion，butitwillneverdoifyouhavenofamily．Yourfood，yourclothingandyourshelterareallprovidedbythefamily．Whenyouareill，thefamilyisthehospitalwherefamilymembersareyourguardians．Youarefosteredbythefamily，sowhenyougrowold，onlythefamilywillsupportyou，andwhenyoudie，onlythefamilywillconductafuneralforyou．Thefamilymayhopefullydependonyoursuccessandatthesametimeitmayfacilitateyoursuccess．Youmustdoyourbesttomaintainandmanageyourfamily．Youmustmakeeffortstoincreaseitswealthandtoimproveitsstatus．Youareexpectedsomuchnotonlybyyourfamily，butalsobypeoplearoundyousothatyouareawardedorpunisheddependingonwhatyouhavedonetothefamily．Itisbestforyoutomakeyourfamilyprosper．Itisbetterforyoutobeabletomanageyourfamilysuccessfully．Itisthemostpitifulthatyouhaveunluckilydissipatedyourfamilyfortune．Suchisthewaythefamilyalwaysenvelopsyousothatyoucanbynomeansescapefromit．．．．Thedependenceuponeachotherinfamilylifeissogreatthatothersocialrelation⁃shipscanoftenbedestroyedforthesakeofitoratleast，betweensocialrelationshipsexistsabarrieroffamilylife．(LuZuofu(auth．)IssuesonConstructionofChinaandtheTrainingofProfessionals，pub⁃lishedbyLifeBookstore)

我们即以此列为第七特征。就吾人闻见所及，一般谈到中国文化而目为可怪者，其事尚多多。例如中国开化既早，远在汉唐，文化已极高，学术甚富，而卒未产生科学，即一可怪之事。中国人自古在物质方面的发展与发见，原是很多。在16世纪以前的西洋，正多得力于中国这些发明之传过去。举其著者，如(一)罗盘针(二)火药(三)钞票(四)活字版印刷术(五)算盘等皆是，而(六)造纸尤其重要。韦尔斯在其历史大纲第三十四章第四节HowPaperLiberatedtheHumanMind说得最明白：他以为欧洲文艺复兴，可以说是完全得力于中国造纸之传入。还有铁之冶炼，据说亦是中国先发明的。从这类事情说去，物质科学便在中国应该可以产生出来，何以竟不然？《史记·扁鹊仓公传》，曾说到古时俞跗的人体解剖术。《后汉书·华陀传》更清楚地说：针药所不能及者，乃令先以酒服麻沸散，既醉无所觉，因刳破腹背，割积聚。若在肠胃则断截湔洗，除去疾秽，既而缝合，敷以神膏，四五日创愈，一月之间皆平复。这明明是实地勘验和科学家之所为，如其还不够科学，也是科学所从出了。何以后世医家转不见有这事，而全部归入一套玄学观念的运用。论理和数理，都是科学的根基。这种学问的发达与进步，都和其他自然科学社会科学之进步发达相应不离。中国讲论理在周秦之际百家争鸣的时候，倒还有些；后来竟无人讲起。算术虽不断有人讲，亦曾造于很高进步；但终不发达，而且后来亦鲜进步，甚至于失传。例如南北朝时候南齐人祖冲之的圆周率，据说“为第五世纪世界最精者，其时印度欧西皆所不及，足以睥睨天下。”(见茅以升先生《中国圆周率略史》一文，载在《科学》杂志第三卷第四期)。他的创见，据说“在西洋1573年德人ValentinOtto始论及之，后于我一千年有余。”(见李俨著《中国算学史》。)尽你如此高明，无奈空间上不能推广发达，时间上不能继续进步，亦就完了。类此退而不进的现象，当然是中国不能有科学成功之由来；但缘何有此现象，我们不能不怪而问之。 WetakethisastheseventhfeatureofChineseculture．AsfarasIsee，therearesomanyodditiesconcerningthediscussionofChineseculture．Forexample，thoughChinawitnessedanearlycivilizationevenasfarbackasintheHanandtheTangDynastieswithgreatachieve⁃mentsinbothcultureandlearning，itdidnotgenerateanyscience，howev⁃er，intheend．Thatisthefirstoddity．Sinceancienttimes，theChinesepeoplehavefosteredmanydevelop⁃mentsandmademanydiscoveriesinmaterialthings．Westerncountriesbe⁃forethe16thcenturybenefitedagreatdealfromalltheseChineseinventionssuchascompass，gunpowder，banknotes，movabletypeprinting，abacus，andmostimportantly，paper⁃making．Walesstatedmostclearlyin“HowPa⁃perLiberatedtheHumanMind”，Section4ofChapter34inhisAnOutlineofHistory：hethoughtthattheRenaissanceinEuropecouldbesaidtooweitsdebtcompletelytotheintroductionofpaper⁃makingfromChina．Also，thesmeltingofironwassaidtobeaninventionmadefirstbyChinesepeople．ItcanbeseenfromwhathasbeensaidabovethatthematerialscienceshouldbedevelopedinChina．Buthowcouldntitcomeintobeing？InBiographiesofMagicDoctorsBianQue&ChunYuyifromRecordsoftheGrandHistorian，somethingwassaidaboutthefamousdoctorYuFusa⁃natomyofthehumanbodyinancienttimes．ItwasmadeclearerinBiographyofMagicDoctorHuaTuofromHistoryoftheLaterHanDynasty：Whenneitheracupuncturenormedicineworks，askthepa⁃tienttotakeanestheticpowderinliquor．Afterthepatientisanes⁃thetizedtillheisunconscious，performsurgeryonhimbycuttingopenthefrontorthebackofhisbodyandremovethetumorinthestomach．Ifthetumorisintheintestines，cutopenandwashtheintestines，removethetumorinthem，andthensewthemupandapplysomemagicointmenttothewound．Withinfourorfivedays，thewoundwouldhealandwithinonemonth，thereiscom⁃pleterecovery．Thisobviouslyisacaseoffieldinspectionandapracticeconductedbyscientists．Ifitisconsideredtobeinadequatelyscientific，itatleastbelongstotherealmofscience．Butwhydoskilleddoctorsoflatergenerationsseemtoknownothingaboutthissothatithasallbeenclassifiedamongtheappli⁃cationsofasetofmetaphysicalconcepts？Logicandmathematicalscienceconstitutethegroundworkofscience．Theirdevelopmentandprogressareinseparablefromthedevelopmentandpro⁃gressofothernaturalsciencesandsocialsciences．LogicwasdiscussedfromtimetotimeduringtheZhouandtheQinDynastieswhenallschoolsofthoughtscontendedforrecognition．Butitwasnolongermentionedbypeopleoflatergenerations．Thougharithmeticwasonceacontinualtopicwithgreatadvancement，itwitnessednodevelopmentintheend．Tomakethingsworse，ithadlittleprogresslateronandevenfailedtobehandeddownfrompastgen⁃erations．TakeforexamplethecircumferenceratiodiscoveredbyZuChongzhi，anativeoftheSouthernQiDynastyduringtheNorthernandSouthernDynas⁃ties(420⁃589)．Itwassaid“thatZuChongzhiwasthemostaccurateindis⁃coveringthecircumferencerationintheworldinthefifthcenturyandthatdur⁃inghistime，asIndiaandtheWestlaggedbehindinthisrespect，hecouldwelllookdownupontheworldwithhaughtiness．”(SeeMaoYishengspaper“AnOutlineHistoryofChinasCircumferenceRatio”inthefourthissueofScience，Vol．III．)Hisoriginalidea，itwassaid，“wasreferredtointheWestbyValentinOtto，aGerman，onlyintheyear1573，whichwassomethingthattookplacemorethanonethousandyearslater．”(SeeLiYanzhuosAHistoryofChinasArithmetic．)Asaresult，howeverbrilliantyourculturemaybe，whenneitherpopularizationnordevelopmentofitisallowedspatiallyandnocontinuingprogressismadeaboutittemporally，ahalttoitisboundtofollow．SuchstagnationisobviouslyattributedtothefailureinestablishinganyscienceinChina．Butwhythereissuchstagnationwereallyfeelverycuriousabout．